Te Aroha Mining District Working Papers

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://researchcommons.waikato.ac.nz/handle/10289/10304

This series of working papers focuses on the Te Aroha Mining District from 1880-1980, starting with the year when gold was discovered until when the environmental consequences of base metal mining were being tackled. Although the papers always contain a mining element, much more is covered, with background papers dealing not only with the geology and impacts on vegetation and the wider environment but also the consequence for iwi of the search for gold, including the sale of the Aroha Block. Interspersed with papers on the rise and fall of mining are others on some of the leading personalities of the time (and not just miners), which broaden the focus from being just about the Te Aroha district.

Supported by the Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato.

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Neighbourly and unneighbourly behaviour in the Te Aroha district
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
As is to be expected, many examples could be found of neighbourly and unneighbourly behaviour. Because of the nature of their work, miners and indeed settlers generally had to help each other, and ‘fair play’ was a desired ideal. Residents mingled at weddings, funerals, farewells, and patriotic socials. When people were in need, assistance was given and money was raised by special events, and when fires broke out, everyone did their best to save both life and property. Despite such neighbourly acts, there were plenty of examples of quarrelsome residents and rude behaviour. In small settlements, prying and gossiping were endemic. Disliked residents were mocked, some practical jokes were malicious, and some libels were spread. In particular, local government politics provoked much bitterness over minor matters, and rivalry between Te Aroha and Waiorongomai could be friendly in sport but unfriendly on some issues. A detailed example of one prominent resident, Charles Ahier, is provided to illustrate how a pillar of the community was vilified and how he vilified his critics. Newspapers sometimes provided biased reporting, fanning the flames of petty disputes. But overall, squabbles were outweighed by positive interactions.
Larrikins in the Te Aroha district, mostly in the nineteenth century
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Larrikinism was offensive to the respectable, who worried about its causes and what was to be done to curtail it. Examples are given of the wide variety of petty but annoying behaviour indulged in by young men, at all kinds of events. Even entertainments and church services were not immune. Characteristics included bad language, loafing, noise, abuse, vulgarity, furious riding, playing football in a manner than endangered others, vandalism, and being affected by alcohol. Examples are given of the remarkable number of times that larrikins disrupted church services and meetings, along with temperance gatherings. A variety of social events were affected, and even the reading room in the library was not immune. In particular, larrikins infested the domain and its hot baths, potentially threatening the tourist trade. Annoying women was common, and New Year’s Eve provided another opportunity for making trouble. Vandalism of both public and private property caused on-going concern. And some vandals came from elsewhere to annoy the locals. To cope with larrikinism, some solutions such as special clubs for the young were suggested, but had little success, as the problem never went away. Perhaps the problem was exaggerated, for although it never went away, normally larrikinism did not lead to a life of crime. ‘Youthful high spirits’, perhaps, but irritating none the less.
Crime in the Te Aroha district, mostly in the nineteenth century
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
The Te Aroha district was claimed to be relatively crime-free. Certainly there was only one murder, in 1881, and most offences were minor. Theft was the most common one, some thefts being very petty, such as stealing washing or fruit. But there were also examples of breaking and entering, stealing mining property, and opportunist thefts committed after fires. Money was obtained on false pretenses, and vandalism of property by adults was of regular concern. There was some arson, and vagrancy was prosecuted now and again. Obscene language and disorderly behaviour resulting in violence (usually because of over-indulgence in drink) and domestic violence occasionally came before the courts. Public disorder in the streets of Waiorongomai was widely reported. Police and bailiffs were sometimes resisted when doing their duty. There were some suicides; attempted suicide was dealt with sympathetically. Some sexual offences came to light, as did a wide variety of other, lesser, crimes. But despite most offences being minor, the district was never free of crime.
Children’s lives in the Te Aroha district
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Exaggerated claims have been made about the joys experienced by children living on goldfields, but indeed many did have happy memories. Childhood for many included working to supplement the family income at quite a young age, and examples are given of the wide variety of work undertaken. Some jobs, as in the battery, was exhausting, none were highly paid, and not all young workers were well treated. Life could be dangerous, as illustrated by the variety of accidents, some fatal. The river claimed some lives, as did fires in homes. Ill health was common, with periodic epidemics causing deaths – some families experienced multiple deaths. Abandoned or uncontrollable children were sent to Industrial Homes, and some stepmothers lived up to their reputations, and several children suffered from cruel treatment. Although most juvenile crimes were of a minor nature, early experimentation caused moral panic amongst parents. Adults provided organized activities of an improving nature, especially sports and social gatherings, and some even went on trips to other places. Military cadets were formed, and it was possible to participate in arts and crafts, including music. And all children had ways to make their own, unorganized, fun. All of which suggests that for most children, while their life was not as idyllic as some would claim, it was generally happy.
Women’s lives in the Te Aroha district
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Pioneer women were praised for their hard work, and this paper deals with all aspects of their lives in this district in the late nineteenth and, occasionally, the early twentieth century. Details are provided of all the women who held shares in local mines, not all of whom lived in the district and some of whom were probably dummies for their husbands. Some women had paid work, sometimes out of necessity rather than a desire to be independent, and they struggled to become financially secure on low wages. Servants were not always well treated by the women who employed them. Women’s lot included a variety of unpaid work and endless domestic duties. Some were fortunate enough to have money of their own, and sometimes held their husbands’ property in their own name, usually to protect it against his creditors. Land was also held in women’s names, usually to enable the family to hold more sections than the law permitted. Because of poverty, some women were forced to seek charitable aid. Many women were active in community life in a variety of ways, notably their churches, charity, nursing, and temperance. Younger ones enjoyed the outdoors and sports. Competition for popularity (and for a mate) meant a considerable amount of time was spent in trying to look their best and in displaying their finery at the many socials held in the district. Some women got into trouble for improper behaviour, notably drunkenness and even violence, but most of the female crime recorded was minor. Sexual misbehaviour included illegitimate children (some of whom had a short life) and abortion. Some wives were deserted, but some women were able to remarry. At the end of this paper, there are accounts of several women’s lives, some of them unhappy– unhappiness being more easily uncovered because of the sources available for historians.
An overview of mining in the Te Aroha mining district in the 1890s
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
For most of the decade, only a small amount of mining was undertaken, despite the efforts of some prospectors and miners (who were always handicapped by lack of capital). The only mine to produce a steady profit for its small syndicate was the Loyalty Palace. Prospecting, either by individuals or by specially organized parties, continued throughout most of the decade, with little success, despite investigating new areas such as the Mangakino Valley. The mining boom of 1895 prompted those owning apparently promising ground to attempt to sell it to overseas investors; all potentially auriferous ground was pegged out, but most of the new claims were not worked or, if worked, few produced much gold. Exaggerated hopes were even more exaggerated during the brief boom, but the introduction of some (but never sufficient) foreign capital raised hopes for some permanent benefits being produced. The problem of how to treat the complex ore had not been solved, although late in the decade Joseph Campbell would promote his new system. Edwin Hardy, who arrived in the district in 1899, would subsequently develop part of the field more methodically. As always, both local and central governments were asked to provide financial assistance, resulting in some prospectors being subsidized and some prospecting tracks constructed. And at the very end of the decade, a new proposal for large-scale mining was floated.
Company formation in the Te Aroha mining district in the 1930s
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
During the early years of the Depression, a few investors sought to form companies to rework almost every portion of the Te Aroha Mining District. Some flotations failed, and even when companies were formed very little work was done. A wide variety of people were promoters and investors, very few of whom had any mining knowledge or access to capital. Competition for ground and low commercial morality led to conflicts and exaggerated claims (notably that Te Aroha’s lodes were linked to Karangahake and Waihi). The Mines Department, anxious to prevent misinformation about these ventures being used to extract money from the gullible and also anxious to defend the industry from harm, was concerned about fraudulent assays and misleading reports from self-proclaimed ‘experts’. All these under-capitalized ventures quickly failed, for what little development took place quickly revealed the poverty of the ore. These syndicates and companies are dealt with chronologically.
Mining in the Te Aroha mining district during the depression years
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Because optimists believed there was payable gold still to be discovered in New Zealand, prospecting was seen as one way of soaking up the unemployed, and a subsidized scheme was established to assist those willing to try their luck. In the Te Aroha district, residents, despite their lack of geological knowledge, and supported by the local newspaper, held great hopes for a mining revival. In contrast, officials and the experts they consulted insisted that these hopes were in vain. After local businessmen and would-be prospectors exerted political pressure on the Minister of Mines, in whose electorate Te Aroha was situated, permission was granted to subsidize parties of amateur prospectors. Despite none of these parties finding anything worthwhile, the amateurs continued to claim to know more about the prospects than the experts. Some of the parties did little work, and as it was clear to officials that the subsidies were being wasted, these ceased, despite continued claims about potential discoveries. Some parties continued work, sometimes with private backing, prompting concerns about speculators trying to obtain ground. When a Labour Government came to power, it was no more willing than its predecessor to waste public money on fruitless prospecting. It was clear from the assays taken for both prospectors and experts that the value of the ore left by earlier miners was far too poor to permit a revival in mining, and on that note mining ceased at Waiorongomai
Hardy’s Mines Ltd, of Waiorongomai
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Hardy’s Mines Ltd was formed on 30 April l904 to acquire all Edwin Henry Hardy’s mining properties. Because of his experience, Hardy was to supervise the work for the first three years of the company’s existence. Details are provided of the directors and shareholders, who included experienced businessmen from many places in New Zealand. Immediately upon its formation, the company had to undertake a considerable amount of dead work and to improve the battery before it could extract and process the ore. Much prospecting and testing was done, but only a small amount of gold was treated. Nevertheless, hopes were high during 1904 and 1905, and concentrates were tested in Australia. Being, as was the norm, under-capitalized, increasingly the company faced financial difficulties, and in 1906 most work ceased and the mines were protected because the payable ore had run out. In that year, Hardy ceased to be the supervisor. Exploration had proved that the lode below where he had extracted good ore was unpayable, being increasingly refractory and therefore expensive to treat. Once the capital was exhausted, further capital was sought, including in England. The company was reconstructed in 1907, but continued to be under-capitalized. It was hoped that a new low-level drive, known as McLean’s level, would strike good ore below the existing Colonist workings, but driving this took several years and the hoped-for valuable ore did not exist. A new company was formed in 1910, which continued to extend McLean’s level and to test any ore struck, all the while hoping to sell its property. Although mining had ceased, some income was received through treating the tailings using cyanide. When it was discovered that the mine manager had extended McLean’s level in the wrong direction, this work was abandoned, especially because assays revealed that earlier ones had been ‘misleading’. The company abandoned its property in 1924.
An overview of mining in the Te Aroha mining district from the turn of the twentieth century until the start of the depression
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Apart from the mines owned by Edwin Henry Hardy, mining at Waiorongomai stagnated in the early twentieth century. During its first decade attention largely switched to the Tui district, with new treatment processes promising better results, but, as usual, raising capital was difficult and the government was asked to assist. A mining revival was constantly anticipated, especially by the local newspaper, and for the first time base metals were also investigated. Prospecting encompassed new areas, with the Mangakino Valley and the top of the mountain being investigated more thoroughly than previously. In 1913, the battery was destroyed in a fire but was replaced. During that decade and the subsequent one, mining faded away to almost nothing, and only the onset of the Depression caused any revival.
Introductory notes to working paper series ‘a social history of mining in the Te Aroha mining district’
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
These working papers are provided as a resource for historians and genealogists. When covering the lives of individuals, they are deliberately as detailed as possible – possibly too detailed on such aspects as land ownership, but the intention is to provide as much information as is traceable. The nature of my research was inspired by the farewell address given by Sir Keith Hancock when he retired from being head of the History Department in the Research School of Social Sciences, Australian National University, when I was a student there. He included the comment that, in his retirement, he would tend his own garden; not meaning an intention to turn from historical research to gardening but to focus his research on his own locality, meaning the district of Monaro to the south of Canberra. The outcome was his publication, through Cambridge University Press, in 1972, of his excellent Discovering Monaro: A study of man’s inpact on his environment. The structure of this book combined a general analysis of geology, weather patterns, farming practices, and many other issues with case studies of farmers and others who lived in and developed the district. As this is a social history of the Te Aroha district, concentrating on mining, his example has been followed, with general papers being combined with personal accounts that illustrate the points made in the former papers. For instance, there is a paper on the skills required for successful prospecting, and the paper on Billy Nicholl relates the story of one of the most successful prospectors (successful at Waihi, that is, much less so elsewhere). As an unexpectedly large amounts of information was uncovered about some of those included in the case studies, the latter have ballooned far beyond the modest mini-biographies originally anticipated.
Prospectors and investors in the Te Aroha mining district during the 1930s
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
This paper gives the ages, occupations, normal place of residence, mining experience, and other details that have been unearthed about all the men who acquired prospecting licenses and of five men who prospected for others during the Depression, with the exception of Malcolm Hardy and those associated with him, covered in another paper. Sometimes a mini-biography can be given, but usually the available information permits only a skeletal outline of their lives. Few had experience of mining, and in almost all cases their prospecting or investing reflected a desperate attempt to make some money at a time of considerable financial hardship. Their often-feeble attempts at prospecting or arranging for prospecting to be done produced no new discoveries and no ore of any value. Their lives and details of the extent of their involvement in mining are dealt with in alphabetical order.
Lavinia and Henry Dunbar Johnson
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Rawinia Manukau, of Ngati Tamatera, married Henry Dunbar Johnson in 1868, when aged 21. Johnson had been a storekeeper at Coromandel from 1863 onwards and after 1866 had the first store at the site of the future Paeroa. In both places, but particularly in the latter, there was always the fear of conflict with the local Maori population, despite his being protected by a rangatira. After spending time at the new Thames goldfield, from 1871 onwards he was a partner in another Paeroa store, being able to erect a house because a rangatira related to his wife wished her to settle there. Lavinia (as she was known to Pakeha) obtained interests in several blocks of land in Ohinemuri, and her husband also acquired some land for a farm. He prospected Karangahake mountain from 1866 onwards, despite Maori opposition, and in 1875 and the following year actively mined there, unprofitably; Lavinia was not involved with this field, but did acquire interests in two claims when the Te Aroha one opened. A petty squabble with a Thames neighbour resulted in Lavinia telling the latter to go back to England – she was feisty in defending her heritage. Through his marriage and close contact with Maori, Johnson understood and admired the Maori language, leading to his being appointed a licensed interpreter in 1872. After being a leading pioneer of Paeroa, in 1879 he went to Wellington to work in the Native Office, leaving his wife and family behind for a while; after then she was employed by Pakeha as a nurse and midwife. In 1885 Johnson was appointed to oversee the development of Rotorua, where he attempted to have Maori children educated (as his own were) and had to cope with the aftermath of the 1886 Tarawera eruption. Retrenched in 1888, he farmed for a while on his wife’s land at Te Aroha West, becoming involved in local issues and local politics. During the 1890 he obtained more official positions, and from 1896 to 1906 was a land court judge. The Johnson family was well integrated into the dominant culture, all his daughters marrying Pakeha apart from one who married a ‘half-caste’ who had been brought up as a Pakeha. Johnson was not a Pakeha Maori in the original sense, but was accepted by Maori when living in Paeroa and as a judge tried to be kind to poverty-stricken Maori, although in time he viewed Maori as becoming lazy compared with those he had lived amongst during his first two decades in New Zealand.
William Sharman Crawford (Billy) Nicholl, the prospector who discovered the Martha lode at Waihi: his life, told largely in his own words
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Billy Nicholl was that rare miner, one who recorded his life. Born in Ireland, when still a boy he arrived in New Zealand in 1862. After his father died at an early age, he acquired a step-father, whom he disliked, with good reason; and in her later years his mother’s mind would fade. From 1868, when he was probably aged 14, until shortly before his death, he was a prospector and miner. Excited by the early Thames mining days, he learnt the skills needed to be a successful prospector, and during the 1870s worked with several mates on the Coromandel field, with some success. After briefly participating in the Te Aroha rush of 1880, he saw from the summit of that mountain the outcrops of the Waihi reefs, and turned his attention to that largely unexplored area. Although there was considerable claim and counter-claim about who first explored the area and who first found gold, Nicholl was the first to discover a payable lode, the famous Martha. After telling his mates of his discovery, they marked out the line of reef and started to develop several claims. For a time Nicholl was in charge of developing his find, and took a leading part in attempting for form a company to work the ground, succeeding on the third attempt. For a while he operated the first battery. But in time he lost control over his discovery and, far from profiting, lost a large amount of money. After leaving Waihi for Karangahake, he would be forced into bankruptcy in 1884. His first experience of overseas prospecting was in Fiji, where he found traces of gold but nothing payable. Returning to Waihi, he struggled to earn a living for his young family, taking contracts and owning a small farm to supplement his mining endeavours, notably at Maratoto in the 1890s. During that decade his wife abandoned him and their children, and to make his fortune – and because of the lure of another gold rush – he went to Klondike, where he had many exciting experiences but, being unable to mine there, returned poorer than before. In Nicholl’s last years he did some farming but his main interest continued to be prospecting, and he explored the Waitekauri area into his eighties until declining health forced him to desist. In his later years he recorded details of his life, notably several versions of the discovery of the Martha lode, to the great benefit of posterity.
Private lives in the Te Aroha district, mostly in the nineteenth century
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
This paper is based mostly on gossip – deliberately so, for gossip can reveal details of the private lives of people who are otherwise lost to history. Usually it is not possible to identify them, but even if this is not possible a great deal of the social life of the community (mostly of its younger members) can be uncovered. No startling revelations are made, for residents (and visitors) behaved in predictable ways. After covering thematically the ways in which people interacted, the gossip mostly dealing with flirting and marriage, some examples of private lives (or rather, portions of these lives) are reconstructed.
Hone Werahiko: the discoverer of gold at Te Aroha
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Originally Hone Kahukahu, when he was living at Ohinemutu in the 1860s he became known as Hone Werahiko, an Arawa name he retained for the rest of his life. His father, a member of Ngati Kahungungu, had been captured by Arawa; his mother was a Waikato. A widow living at Maketu chose him as her second husband because he was ‘a good looking fellow & understood English’. In the late 1860s and much of the 1870s, he prospected in Hauraki and even in the King Country, and worked underground in a Thames mine, the only Maori known to have done so. But in the early 1870s he gave up mining to be a pioneer publican and storekeeper at Ohinemutu, at Rotorua. He acquired land and property there, but after his wife died he returned to prospecting full-time. Werahiko’s first investigation of Te Aroha was in 1877, when he was ordered off by the local hapu. He returned in 1880 as the head of a prospecting party subsidized by the government. After finding gold, he was granted the Prospectors’ Claim and, in due course, a reward, and for a time supervised its development. Investing in other claims, he traded in shares. When his discovery turned out to be a duffer, he explored other parts of the mountain, first having high hopes for the Tui portion but then, after four months of exploring over winter with the support of three other Maori, he announced the discovery of his New Find at Waiorongomai. Once again he acquired partners, mostly Paheka, and traded in shares, and for some time supervised the opening up of his new find. Later, he was invited to prospect the King Country, but this did not eventuate. His last involvement in mining was at Karangahake. Because of the hardships of his prospecting at Te Aroha, he died at an early age, leaving a young second wife. His memory lived on, amongst Pakeha miners in particular, because he had the rare distinction for a prospector of being regarded as totally honest, and he was admired for succeeding when so many others had failed. [Note: Especially when he first came to public attention, many Pakeha struggled with Hone Werahiko’s name, which was recorded in a variety of incorrect forms, the worst example being Hoani Whaekareka. Even the warden at first gave his name as Hone Wharekino. Many Pakeha found it simpler to refer to him as ‘Johnny the Maori’. In this paper, his name is given correctly throughout.]
Joseph Harris Smallman
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Born to a mining agent and trained as a mining surveyor, in 1864, less than a year after the birth of his first child, Smallman left England for New Zealand to establish a ‘Mining business’, promising that his family would join him once it was successful. But they were never asked to join him, and after 1870 he ceased to write to his wife. The ‘Mining business’ never eventuated, but in 1865 he prospected at Thames, unsuccessfully seeking alluvial gold. Although criticized for living off Maori and doing little prospecting, with his partner he investigated several areas of the Hauraki Peninsula, again unsuccessfully. When the Thames goldfield was opened, with his encouragement, two years later, he mined there for some years, proving himself to be a competent miner but not making his fortune. After working elsewhere, by the mid-1870s he was living with another man’s ‘half-caste’ wife on her land near Te Aroha, having five children with her. Happy to be described as a Pakeha Maori and closely associated with the local hapu, he supported them over land dealings and the development of the district. Despite spending most of his time farming, he remained interested in prospecting, and made some explorations in districts closed to Pakeha. After gold was found at Te Aroha, for a short time he worked with Maori partners in unprofitable claims. Either before or after his second wife had a child by another man in 1886, he left New Zealand to return to his English family; and remarkably, despite his first wife knowing that his liaison had produced children, she accepted him back after his long absence, and they remained together for the rest of their lives.
Maori and mining in New Zealand and beyond
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Before the arrival of Europeans, Maori had known of the existence of gold but did not mine it and had no understanding of its value. Once mining commenced in California in 1849 and Australia in the early 1850s, many Maori participated on several fields, especially in Victoria. When gold was first discovered in New Zealand, at Coromandel in 1852, Maori were keen to learn prospecting skills, and soon found gold in several parts of both the North and South Islands. Some alluvial claims were worked communally, even some women participating. From the start, Maori were determined to protect their rights against Pakeha when they were rivals for the same ground. On the Hauraki Peninsula, which had no alluvial gold, Maori were prospectors rather than miners. Some were successful, often going against the wishes of rangatira who, fearing that opening goldfields would result in their losing their land, refused access to prospectors, particularly in Ohinemuri. At Thames, Maori prospectors succeeded where Pakeha ones had failed, finding the gold that led to the 1867 rush; a rush encouraged by one rangatira in particular, Wirope Hoterene Taipari, who understood how a successful field would benefit him financially (including obtaining a reward for discovering a payable goldfield). After the opening of this field, some Maori prospected throughout the peninsula and elsewhere for the remainder of the century, with varying success but with some good finds, particularly at Kuaotunu. A few even participated in the Klondike rush. By the twentieth century, Maori were overcoming their reluctance to mine underground, notably in the coalmines of the Waikato, but until then almost none had seen mining as a full-time career. Indigenous inhabitants throughout the world successfully prospected for precious metals, but their achievements were commonly written out of history, as for example in Australia, where Aboriginal involvement is only now being uncovered. In New Zealand also, Maori achievements, although well known to contemporaries, have largely been forgotten. At the time, Maori prospector’s successes were praised and many became owners of claims, and in some cases benefited financially from their involvement in mining.
Te Aroha township during the first rush: 1880-1881
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
The most exciting time for a mining township was during the first rush. At Te Aroha, canvas settlements appeared close to the hot pools and between the mountain and the river, and because of the high hopes for a payable field all the features of a permanent settlement soon appeared. Shops of all varieties were erected, the original hotel soon had competition, church sites were chosen, government offices appeared, and because so many of the settlers were family men a start was made to provide schooling and health care. Sport, horse racing, and other entertainments became part of social life, with the hot pools a particular focus for ‘rest and recreation’. Within a few months, more substantial buildings were erected (very necessary because of the high wind common to the district), better roads to and within the settlement were constructed, and a better punt across the river provided. As the prospects of the goldfield faded in 1881, so did the township, but the discovery of gold at Waiorongomai meant that it would quickly revive and indeed flourish.
The opening day of the Te Aroha goldfield: 25 November 1880
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Possibly 800 people were present on the opening day of the new goldfield, most of who wanted to acquire mining claims or residence and business sites. The excitement meant they were up early in the morning, and, after struggling up the steep Prospectors’ Spur, following the reading of the proclamation the shots to indicate that pegging out could commence were fired at 10.00. As several parties marked out the same ground or overlapped others’ claims, Harry Kenrick and his officials readied themselves to resolve disputes. About 60 claims were pegged out, but Kenrick believed that, once these were surveyed, the real number of claims would be much less; his behaviour and recommendations were much praised. In the township rush, 54 sites were competed for, again with rival claims to ownership. Compared with previous rushes, this opening day won accolades for its orderliness, and the new regulations required claims to be fully manned. The names chosen for claims revealed something about their owners, who, like everyone else, hoped for a prosperous field, for it had the potential to benefit the whole region.

Te Aroha Mining District Working Papers

General Background

The Maori Background

Maori Te Aroha

Mining in General

The Te Aroha Rush, 1880-1881

The Waiorongomai Goldfield

The Tui District

Social History

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