Te Aroha Mining District Working Papers

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://researchcommons.waikato.ac.nz/handle/10289/10304

This series of working papers focuses on the Te Aroha Mining District from 1880-1980, starting with the year when gold was discovered until when the environmental consequences of base metal mining were being tackled. Although the papers always contain a mining element, much more is covered, with background papers dealing not only with the geology and impacts on vegetation and the wider environment but also the consequence for iwi of the search for gold, including the sale of the Aroha Block. Interspersed with papers on the rise and fall of mining are others on some of the leading personalities of the time (and not just miners), which broaden the focus from being just about the Te Aroha district.

Supported by the Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato.

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Involvement in political issues by people living in the Te Aroha district
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
As only a minority of residents were enthusiastically interested in national political issues, efforts to encourage debates about such issues by forming clubs largely failed. There was much more interest in local politics, where many of the conflicts were personal rather than political. Many illustrations are given of the fervent patriotism of residents and of their loyalty to queen and empire, which included support for all the empire’s wars. Both the Boer War and the First World War provoked much patriotic fervour, those who did not fight doing their best to assist the cause of empire by fund-raising. In the former war, disapproval of ‘pro-Boers’ was common, but the right of ‘non-Britishers’ to dissent was supported by some residents. When the Dreyfus affair was at its height, Te Aroha achieved considerable notoriety for its method of supporting this unjustly accused man. Concerning Ireland, many supported the downtrodden Irish by contributing funds to assist evicted peasants. Examples are given of those who supported the liberal and conservative sides in national politics. Some of those involved in the mining industry stood for parliament before withdrawing in favour of more prominent politicians, and 13 investors became Members of Parliament.
James Gordon: a ‘useful all-round man’ at Te Aroha and elsewhere
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Some confusion over the early details of James Gordon’s life is unavoidable because his birth was not registered and there were several namesakes. Born to an Irish father and a Maori mother, after the latter reputedly abandoned her family his father remarried and Gordon was brought up by an uncle. Typically, he had a variety of jobs, though after the Thames goldfield opened mining was his main occupation; and like so many prospectors and miners, he exaggerated his involvement, which was minor and brought him little financial reward. Consequently, he took whatever job was available, becoming known as a ‘useful all-round man’, capable of doing almost any physical work. His financial state was revealed by his being sued, regularly, for small debts – and he tried to evade maintenance payments despite having the ability to pay. Gordon identified with his Pakeha ancestry, fighting against Maori in the Waikato and Bay of Plenty at a young age and joining the Volunteers in Thames and Te Aroha. The most notable aspect of his life was his marital complications: 18 children from two wives and three from the same number of mistresses. The total number born would have been 22 had he not savagely attacked his first wife, causing a stillbirth and, eventually, a divorce, though the latter was mostly in consequence of his being convicted for child molestation. In most other ways, his life was unremarkable.
‘Pakeha Bill’: William John McClear, a Pakeha who lived at Te Aroha
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Born in Ireland to a Scottish soldier named McAleer, McClear, as he would re-name himself, was uncertain of his age, his birthplace, and the spelling of his name – for, like his parents, he was illiterate. After his drunken father, who abandoned his wife and family, sold him to unknown Maori at an unknown date, he was educated in a Maori school and was unable to speak English until the early 1870s, when he was living with Ngati Rahiri at Omahu pa, at Te Aroha. When Pakeha visitors first met him in 1877, he was a popular resident there and known as Pakeha Bill (or Pakeha William). Possiby involved in mining before the Te Aroha rush, he both invested in and mined in several claims there from 1880 onwards, and at the end of that decade was one of a small group of Waiorongomai miners who took up a claim at Thames. When not mining, he took whatever jobs were available, struggling financially, in part because of a fondness for drink. As, unlike other Pakeha Maori, there was no evidence of his forming a close relationship with any Maori women, he did not benefit from a Maori wife’s landholdings, and he died in poverty.
Thomas Quoi: a Chinese restauranteur who invested in Te Aroha mining
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
After arriving in New Zealand, Thomas Quoi held a variety of jobs, from 1879 onwards being an Auckland restaurant owner and caterer. He was also an interpreter, especially in court cases, and in the twentieth century ran a bathhouse. Despite suffering abuse for being Chinese, he was notable for assisting charities to aid all races. Praised for being Anglicized – a ‘regular white man’ – he was a spokesman for the Chinese community, of which he was a leading member. Quoi’s involvement in Te Aroha mining was limited to providing capital. Like so many investors, he traded in shares and hoped to sell his mining properties to overseas capitalists. In 1890 he went bankrupt, in part because of losing money through his mining investments. Quoi’s personal life became notorious. Accused of sexual immorality and of being a cruel husband to his first wife, an Irishwoman, court cases revealed lurid details of their behaviour. Her infidelity meant he obtained a divorce and was soon married again, to an Englishwoman, with a happier outcome. Socially, and especially through his gambling until his last years he was a prominent member of the community.
Chinese involvement in Te Aroha and its mining
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
No Chinese mined in the Te Aroha district, but a few lived there quietly as market gardeners and owners of laundries. A few Chinese children attended the local school, provoking a controversy about these allegedly unclean children that saw the complainant defeated by public and press opinion. Only two Chinese invested in local mining; the career of one of these, Ah Chee, is summarized. Perhaps because so few Chinese lived in the district they were not seen as a problem by anyone apart from rival business men and women.
Education in the Te Aroha district in the nineteenth century
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Establishing a school at Te Aroha was delayed while the Education Board waited to see whether the settlement would become permanent. In the interim, temporary arrangements were made. Although some praised the building finally erected, others noted such defects as being cold in winter, and residents met some of the costs of necessary improvements. Details are given of all the teachers, of the development of the school, of the number of pupils, and of the quality of the teaching. At Waiorongomai there was same sequence of erecting and improving the school, and details are given of all the teachers and their teaching. In both communities, residents had to raise money through holding entertainments to fund necessary improvements. Examples of the curriculum are given, along with school inspectors’ reports on the effectiveness of the teaching. Patriotism was emphasized, and corporal punishment was a normal method of control. Irregular attendance handicapped many children’s success, and some parents clearly did not care about sending their children to school regularly. To vary the school year, there were occasional events such as Arbor Day, and a ‘treat’ was held at the end of every year. Providing religious education provoked controversy; and some attempts were made to provide much needed adult education. To conclude, the life of a particularly popular teacher, James William Rennick, is given in as much detail as is available. (Note that ‘most of the early records’ of the Te Aroha school ‘were destroyed by fire’, making a complete history of its early years impossible.)
Neighbourly and unneighbourly behaviour in the Te Aroha district
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
As is to be expected, many examples could be found of neighbourly and unneighbourly behaviour. Because of the nature of their work, miners and indeed settlers generally had to help each other, and ‘fair play’ was a desired ideal. Residents mingled at weddings, funerals, farewells, and patriotic socials. When people were in need, assistance was given and money was raised by special events, and when fires broke out, everyone did their best to save both life and property. Despite such neighbourly acts, there were plenty of examples of quarrelsome residents and rude behaviour. In small settlements, prying and gossiping were endemic. Disliked residents were mocked, some practical jokes were malicious, and some libels were spread. In particular, local government politics provoked much bitterness over minor matters, and rivalry between Te Aroha and Waiorongomai could be friendly in sport but unfriendly on some issues. A detailed example of one prominent resident, Charles Ahier, is provided to illustrate how a pillar of the community was vilified and how he vilified his critics. Newspapers sometimes provided biased reporting, fanning the flames of petty disputes. But overall, squabbles were outweighed by positive interactions.
The temperance movement in the Te Aroha district
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
As over-indulgence in alcohol was seen by many as a serious moral and social issue, some churches and the Te Aroha News publicized the temperance cause. Visiting crusaders made some impact, but most of the promoting of temperance was done by the Te Aroha and Waiorongomai Bands of Hope. Details are given of their meetings and of their leaders, the latter being crucial, as the cause flourished with good leaders but floundered without them. Attempts are made to estimate the success of the movement, which undoubtedly was much less than some enthusiasts claimed. The law could be used to limit the numbers of hotels, but some enthusiasts went much further, advocating total prohibition. To illustrate the types of people who were involved and to show how they worked for the cause, the lives of some leading advocates are examined.
Larrikins in the Te Aroha district, mostly in the nineteenth century
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Larrikinism was offensive to the respectable, who worried about its causes and what was to be done to curtail it. Examples are given of the wide variety of petty but annoying behaviour indulged in by young men, at all kinds of events. Even entertainments and church services were not immune. Characteristics included bad language, loafing, noise, abuse, vulgarity, furious riding, playing football in a manner than endangered others, vandalism, and being affected by alcohol. Examples are given of the remarkable number of times that larrikins disrupted church services and meetings, along with temperance gatherings. A variety of social events were affected, and even the reading room in the library was not immune. In particular, larrikins infested the domain and its hot baths, potentially threatening the tourist trade. Annoying women was common, and New Year’s Eve provided another opportunity for making trouble. Vandalism of both public and private property caused on-going concern. And some vandals came from elsewhere to annoy the locals. To cope with larrikinism, some solutions such as special clubs for the young were suggested, but had little success, as the problem never went away. Perhaps the problem was exaggerated, for although it never went away, normally larrikinism did not lead to a life of crime. ‘Youthful high spirits’, perhaps, but irritating none the less.
Crime in the Te Aroha district, mostly in the nineteenth century
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
The Te Aroha district was claimed to be relatively crime-free. Certainly there was only one murder, in 1881, and most offences were minor. Theft was the most common one, some thefts being very petty, such as stealing washing or fruit. But there were also examples of breaking and entering, stealing mining property, and opportunist thefts committed after fires. Money was obtained on false pretenses, and vandalism of property by adults was of regular concern. There was some arson, and vagrancy was prosecuted now and again. Obscene language and disorderly behaviour resulting in violence (usually because of over-indulgence in drink) and domestic violence occasionally came before the courts. Public disorder in the streets of Waiorongomai was widely reported. Police and bailiffs were sometimes resisted when doing their duty. There were some suicides; attempted suicide was dealt with sympathetically. Some sexual offences came to light, as did a wide variety of other, lesser, crimes. But despite most offences being minor, the district was never free of crime.
Children’s lives in the Te Aroha district
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Exaggerated claims have been made about the joys experienced by children living on goldfields, but indeed many did have happy memories. Childhood for many included working to supplement the family income at quite a young age, and examples are given of the wide variety of work undertaken. Some jobs, as in the battery, was exhausting, none were highly paid, and not all young workers were well treated. Life could be dangerous, as illustrated by the variety of accidents, some fatal. The river claimed some lives, as did fires in homes. Ill health was common, with periodic epidemics causing deaths – some families experienced multiple deaths. Abandoned or uncontrollable children were sent to Industrial Homes, and some stepmothers lived up to their reputations, and several children suffered from cruel treatment. Although most juvenile crimes were of a minor nature, early experimentation caused moral panic amongst parents. Adults provided organized activities of an improving nature, especially sports and social gatherings, and some even went on trips to other places. Military cadets were formed, and it was possible to participate in arts and crafts, including music. And all children had ways to make their own, unorganized, fun. All of which suggests that for most children, while their life was not as idyllic as some would claim, it was generally happy.
Women’s lives in the Te Aroha district
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Pioneer women were praised for their hard work, and this paper deals with all aspects of their lives in this district in the late nineteenth and, occasionally, the early twentieth century. Details are provided of all the women who held shares in local mines, not all of whom lived in the district and some of whom were probably dummies for their husbands. Some women had paid work, sometimes out of necessity rather than a desire to be independent, and they struggled to become financially secure on low wages. Servants were not always well treated by the women who employed them. Women’s lot included a variety of unpaid work and endless domestic duties. Some were fortunate enough to have money of their own, and sometimes held their husbands’ property in their own name, usually to protect it against his creditors. Land was also held in women’s names, usually to enable the family to hold more sections than the law permitted. Because of poverty, some women were forced to seek charitable aid. Many women were active in community life in a variety of ways, notably their churches, charity, nursing, and temperance. Younger ones enjoyed the outdoors and sports. Competition for popularity (and for a mate) meant a considerable amount of time was spent in trying to look their best and in displaying their finery at the many socials held in the district. Some women got into trouble for improper behaviour, notably drunkenness and even violence, but most of the female crime recorded was minor. Sexual misbehaviour included illegitimate children (some of whom had a short life) and abortion. Some wives were deserted, but some women were able to remarry. At the end of this paper, there are accounts of several women’s lives, some of them unhappy– unhappiness being more easily uncovered because of the sources available for historians.
An overview of mining in the Te Aroha mining district in the 1890s
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
For most of the decade, only a small amount of mining was undertaken, despite the efforts of some prospectors and miners (who were always handicapped by lack of capital). The only mine to produce a steady profit for its small syndicate was the Loyalty Palace. Prospecting, either by individuals or by specially organized parties, continued throughout most of the decade, with little success, despite investigating new areas such as the Mangakino Valley. The mining boom of 1895 prompted those owning apparently promising ground to attempt to sell it to overseas investors; all potentially auriferous ground was pegged out, but most of the new claims were not worked or, if worked, few produced much gold. Exaggerated hopes were even more exaggerated during the brief boom, but the introduction of some (but never sufficient) foreign capital raised hopes for some permanent benefits being produced. The problem of how to treat the complex ore had not been solved, although late in the decade Joseph Campbell would promote his new system. Edwin Hardy, who arrived in the district in 1899, would subsequently develop part of the field more methodically. As always, both local and central governments were asked to provide financial assistance, resulting in some prospectors being subsidized and some prospecting tracks constructed. And at the very end of the decade, a new proposal for large-scale mining was floated.
Company formation in the Te Aroha mining district in the 1930s
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
During the early years of the Depression, a few investors sought to form companies to rework almost every portion of the Te Aroha Mining District. Some flotations failed, and even when companies were formed very little work was done. A wide variety of people were promoters and investors, very few of whom had any mining knowledge or access to capital. Competition for ground and low commercial morality led to conflicts and exaggerated claims (notably that Te Aroha’s lodes were linked to Karangahake and Waihi). The Mines Department, anxious to prevent misinformation about these ventures being used to extract money from the gullible and also anxious to defend the industry from harm, was concerned about fraudulent assays and misleading reports from self-proclaimed ‘experts’. All these under-capitalized ventures quickly failed, for what little development took place quickly revealed the poverty of the ore. These syndicates and companies are dealt with chronologically.
Mining in the Te Aroha mining district during the depression years
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Because optimists believed there was payable gold still to be discovered in New Zealand, prospecting was seen as one way of soaking up the unemployed, and a subsidized scheme was established to assist those willing to try their luck. In the Te Aroha district, residents, despite their lack of geological knowledge, and supported by the local newspaper, held great hopes for a mining revival. In contrast, officials and the experts they consulted insisted that these hopes were in vain. After local businessmen and would-be prospectors exerted political pressure on the Minister of Mines, in whose electorate Te Aroha was situated, permission was granted to subsidize parties of amateur prospectors. Despite none of these parties finding anything worthwhile, the amateurs continued to claim to know more about the prospects than the experts. Some of the parties did little work, and as it was clear to officials that the subsidies were being wasted, these ceased, despite continued claims about potential discoveries. Some parties continued work, sometimes with private backing, prompting concerns about speculators trying to obtain ground. When a Labour Government came to power, it was no more willing than its predecessor to waste public money on fruitless prospecting. It was clear from the assays taken for both prospectors and experts that the value of the ore left by earlier miners was far too poor to permit a revival in mining, and on that note mining ceased at Waiorongomai
Hardy’s Mines Ltd, of Waiorongomai
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Hardy’s Mines Ltd was formed on 30 April l904 to acquire all Edwin Henry Hardy’s mining properties. Because of his experience, Hardy was to supervise the work for the first three years of the company’s existence. Details are provided of the directors and shareholders, who included experienced businessmen from many places in New Zealand. Immediately upon its formation, the company had to undertake a considerable amount of dead work and to improve the battery before it could extract and process the ore. Much prospecting and testing was done, but only a small amount of gold was treated. Nevertheless, hopes were high during 1904 and 1905, and concentrates were tested in Australia. Being, as was the norm, under-capitalized, increasingly the company faced financial difficulties, and in 1906 most work ceased and the mines were protected because the payable ore had run out. In that year, Hardy ceased to be the supervisor. Exploration had proved that the lode below where he had extracted good ore was unpayable, being increasingly refractory and therefore expensive to treat. Once the capital was exhausted, further capital was sought, including in England. The company was reconstructed in 1907, but continued to be under-capitalized. It was hoped that a new low-level drive, known as McLean’s level, would strike good ore below the existing Colonist workings, but driving this took several years and the hoped-for valuable ore did not exist. A new company was formed in 1910, which continued to extend McLean’s level and to test any ore struck, all the while hoping to sell its property. Although mining had ceased, some income was received through treating the tailings using cyanide. When it was discovered that the mine manager had extended McLean’s level in the wrong direction, this work was abandoned, especially because assays revealed that earlier ones had been ‘misleading’. The company abandoned its property in 1924.
An overview of mining in the Te Aroha mining district from the turn of the twentieth century until the start of the depression
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Apart from the mines owned by Edwin Henry Hardy, mining at Waiorongomai stagnated in the early twentieth century. During its first decade attention largely switched to the Tui district, with new treatment processes promising better results, but, as usual, raising capital was difficult and the government was asked to assist. A mining revival was constantly anticipated, especially by the local newspaper, and for the first time base metals were also investigated. Prospecting encompassed new areas, with the Mangakino Valley and the top of the mountain being investigated more thoroughly than previously. In 1913, the battery was destroyed in a fire but was replaced. During that decade and the subsequent one, mining faded away to almost nothing, and only the onset of the Depression caused any revival.
Introductory notes to working paper series ‘a social history of mining in the Te Aroha mining district’
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
These working papers are provided as a resource for historians and genealogists. When covering the lives of individuals, they are deliberately as detailed as possible – possibly too detailed on such aspects as land ownership, but the intention is to provide as much information as is traceable. The nature of my research was inspired by the farewell address given by Sir Keith Hancock when he retired from being head of the History Department in the Research School of Social Sciences, Australian National University, when I was a student there. He included the comment that, in his retirement, he would tend his own garden; not meaning an intention to turn from historical research to gardening but to focus his research on his own locality, meaning the district of Monaro to the south of Canberra. The outcome was his publication, through Cambridge University Press, in 1972, of his excellent Discovering Monaro: A study of man’s inpact on his environment. The structure of this book combined a general analysis of geology, weather patterns, farming practices, and many other issues with case studies of farmers and others who lived in and developed the district. As this is a social history of the Te Aroha district, concentrating on mining, his example has been followed, with general papers being combined with personal accounts that illustrate the points made in the former papers. For instance, there is a paper on the skills required for successful prospecting, and the paper on Billy Nicholl relates the story of one of the most successful prospectors (successful at Waihi, that is, much less so elsewhere). As an unexpectedly large amounts of information was uncovered about some of those included in the case studies, the latter have ballooned far beyond the modest mini-biographies originally anticipated.
Prospectors and investors in the Te Aroha mining district during the 1930s
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
This paper gives the ages, occupations, normal place of residence, mining experience, and other details that have been unearthed about all the men who acquired prospecting licenses and of five men who prospected for others during the Depression, with the exception of Malcolm Hardy and those associated with him, covered in another paper. Sometimes a mini-biography can be given, but usually the available information permits only a skeletal outline of their lives. Few had experience of mining, and in almost all cases their prospecting or investing reflected a desperate attempt to make some money at a time of considerable financial hardship. Their often-feeble attempts at prospecting or arranging for prospecting to be done produced no new discoveries and no ore of any value. Their lives and details of the extent of their involvement in mining are dealt with in alphabetical order.
Lavinia and Henry Dunbar Johnson
(Historical Research Unit, University of Waikato, 2016) Hart, Philip
Rawinia Manukau, of Ngati Tamatera, married Henry Dunbar Johnson in 1868, when aged 21. Johnson had been a storekeeper at Coromandel from 1863 onwards and after 1866 had the first store at the site of the future Paeroa. In both places, but particularly in the latter, there was always the fear of conflict with the local Maori population, despite his being protected by a rangatira. After spending time at the new Thames goldfield, from 1871 onwards he was a partner in another Paeroa store, being able to erect a house because a rangatira related to his wife wished her to settle there. Lavinia (as she was known to Pakeha) obtained interests in several blocks of land in Ohinemuri, and her husband also acquired some land for a farm. He prospected Karangahake mountain from 1866 onwards, despite Maori opposition, and in 1875 and the following year actively mined there, unprofitably; Lavinia was not involved with this field, but did acquire interests in two claims when the Te Aroha one opened. A petty squabble with a Thames neighbour resulted in Lavinia telling the latter to go back to England – she was feisty in defending her heritage. Through his marriage and close contact with Maori, Johnson understood and admired the Maori language, leading to his being appointed a licensed interpreter in 1872. After being a leading pioneer of Paeroa, in 1879 he went to Wellington to work in the Native Office, leaving his wife and family behind for a while; after then she was employed by Pakeha as a nurse and midwife. In 1885 Johnson was appointed to oversee the development of Rotorua, where he attempted to have Maori children educated (as his own were) and had to cope with the aftermath of the 1886 Tarawera eruption. Retrenched in 1888, he farmed for a while on his wife’s land at Te Aroha West, becoming involved in local issues and local politics. During the 1890 he obtained more official positions, and from 1896 to 1906 was a land court judge. The Johnson family was well integrated into the dominant culture, all his daughters marrying Pakeha apart from one who married a ‘half-caste’ who had been brought up as a Pakeha. Johnson was not a Pakeha Maori in the original sense, but was accepted by Maori when living in Paeroa and as a judge tried to be kind to poverty-stricken Maori, although in time he viewed Maori as becoming lazy compared with those he had lived amongst during his first two decades in New Zealand.

Te Aroha Mining District Working Papers

General Background

The Maori Background

Maori Te Aroha

Mining in General

The Te Aroha Rush, 1880-1881

The Waiorongomai Goldfield

The Tui District

Social History

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